Since 1945, the United States has pursued its interests through the creation and maintenance of international economic institutions, global organizations including the United Nations and G-7, bilateral and regional security organizations including alliances, and liberal political norms that collectively are often referred to as the “international order.” In recent years, rising powers have begun to challenge aspects of this order. The purpose of this report is very specific: to evaluate the order’s value — to assess its role in promoting U.S. goals and interests, and to measure its possible economic benefits in a number of specific areas. To answer the question of the order’s value, we first had to define the components of the order that we proposed to evaluate for possible value to U.S. interests. We then reviewed broad assessments of the order, as well as detailed empirical work on its specific components. The resulting analysis produced five major findings: the postwar order offers significant value to U.S. interests and objectives; specifically in quantifiable and return-on-investment terms, the order contributes to outcomes with measurable value and appears to have a strongly positive cost-benefit calculus; the postwar order represents a leading U.S. competitive advantage; if the United States wants to continue to lead globally, some form of order is vital; and a functioning multilateral order will be essential to deal with emerging security and economic issues. [Note: contains copyrighted material].
As part of a larger study on the future of the post-World War II liberal international order, RAND researchers analyze the health of the existing order and offer implications for future U.S. policy. [Note: contains copyrighted material].
A ban on all nuclear tests is the oldest item on the nuclear arms control agenda. Three treaties that entered into force between 1963 and 1990 limit, but do not ban, such tests. In 1996, the United Nations General Assembly adopted the Comprehensive Nuclear–Test–Ban Treaty (CTBT), which would ban all nuclear explosions. In 1997, President Clinton sent the CTBT to the Senate, which rejected it in October 1999. In a speech in Prague in April 2009, President Obama said, “My administration will immediately and aggressively pursue U.S. ratification of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty.” However, while the Administration has indicated it wants to begin a CTBT “education” campaign with a goal of securing Senate advice and consent to ratification, it has not pressed for a vote on the treaty and there were no hearings on it in the 111th, 112th, or 113th Congresses. There will be at least one hearing in the 114th Congress—a Senate Foreign Relations Committee hearing on the CTBT planned for September 7, 2016.
As the world’s technological revolution proceeds, the United Nations can benefit immensely from a plethora of technologies to assist its peace operations. The U.N. has adopted a strategy for technology and peacekeeping and is showing the will and the means to implement it. New concepts, such as “technology-contributing countries” and “participatory peacekeeping” through new information technology, can improve peace operations. New technologies can also help U.N. field workers “live, move, and work” more effectively and safely, creating the possibility of the “digital peacekeeper.” The report provides an overview of technological capabilities and how they are being used, explores progress to date and key challenges, and offers a set of practical recommendations. [Note: contains copyrighted material].
Developed and poorer developing nations often struggle to agree on global initiatives. But two major deals have been announced: The 193 members of the United Nations approved global action on 17 Sustainable Development Goals to reduce poverty, and 12 nations concluded negotiations on the Transpacific Trade Partnership, the largest regional trade agreement in history. The trade agreement supports the sustainable development goals in some ways and undermines them in others, explains Cheng. The world needs global leadership on trade that promotes sustainability and the United States could be in the position to provide such leadership, notes Cheng. The next chance is December’s World Trade Organization ministerial meeting at which the United States could encourage trade practices that promote freedom and fairness while reducing poverty. [Note: contains copyrighted material].
As Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) design a post-2020 climate agreement and establish their national contributions within it, the question of progress toward existing climate finance targets has become a sticking point. While mobilizing $100 billion will not meet the climate investment challenge by itself, the goal is currently the primary political benchmark for assessing progress on climate finance. The paper aims to present the key variables Parties have emphasized in debates about “what counts”, and then propose an approach to classifying climate finance that Parties could use as a starting point for their analyses and interpretations. [Note: contains copyrighted material].
In 2013, the UN Human Rights Council established the Commission of Inquiry on human rights in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, mandating an investigation of violations including the right to food; torture and inhuman treatment inside prison camps; severe limits on freedom of expression, the right to life, freedom of movement; and enforced disappearances, including in the form of abductions of nationals from other nations. North Korean escapees relay the most horrific details about life in the dismal and impoverished place. The commission issued a scathing report less than a year later, and officials in secretive, isolated nation quickly adjusted strategies for responses, reports Borowiec. Rather than issue blanket denials as in the past, North Korean officials instead target and discredit escapees, the main source of reports. [Note: contains copyrighted material].[HTML format, varios paging].